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When Antoninus Pius died in 161 AD, his adoptive heir, Marcus Aurelius, accepted promotion to Emperor under one condition - that he share responsibility with his adoptive brother, Lucius Ceionius Commodus, better-known as Lucius Verus (130 -169 AD). While there was no precedent for Rome to have co-Emperors, Marcus' proposal was reasonable. Both he and Verus were raised under imperial tutelage, and received instruction from Rome’s finest teachers. Ruling the Empire was a complex job with many challenges, so beefing up the imperial team made sense. Rome's Senate, presumably eager to settle the matter, approved Marcus' proposal.
The confirmation was straightforward considering that Lucius' resume was a good fit to the co-Emperor job requirements. He was the son of Lucius Caesar, Emperor Hadrian’s first choice as successor. When Aelius Caesar died on New Years Day 138 AD, Hadrian had to pivot to his backup choice (Antoninus), but he still insisted that Lucius, as well as his nephew Marcus, were part of the imperial succession plan. Hadrian’s actions support the provocative theory that Aelius Caesar may have been Hadrian’s biological son, in which case Lucius may have been the Emperor's grandson. In any case, Lucius received an extensive imperial education from poetry to battle tactics. Among Lucius’ famous mentors were grammarian Marcus Cornelius Fronto and philosophers Apollonius of Chalcedon and Sextus of Chaeronea.
While Lucius seemed primed to become another “good Emperor,” his true suitability to wear the Emperor’s robes, and his performance therein, is subject to interpretation. Alas, a prominent reference, namely the
Historia Augusta, is negatively biased and notoriously unreliable. If the descriptions therein were indeed accurate, Lucius was more interested in debauchery then serving as Emperor. A more positive and sympathetic view of Lucius emerges after contemplating alternative sources of information, including correspondence with his teachers (especially Fronto), other ancient historians’ writings, and other historical-archaeological sources such as coinage.
From the start, Lucius knew how to effectively motivate Rome's troops. Immediately following the Senate's confirmation, he addressed the praetorian guard, promising them double their usual inaugural bonus (after all, there were double the number of new Emperors to protect this time around). Reportedly, the entry level donativa was a lofty 20,000 sesterces, equivalent of several years' worth of salary. To help fulfill that promise, Lucius and Marcus each struck their own imperial and provincial coins comprising the usual bronze, silver, and gold denominations. They also produced some interesting coins featuring themselves shaking hands together, along with a proclamation of their concord. Importantly, such coins advertised imperial continuity. Moreover, it was important to keep reminding the public of Lucius' new status since his coins were outnumbered by two decades' worth of circulating issues featuring Marcus as Antoninus Pius’ faithful Caesar.
Verus’ numismatic debut did not occur until 161 AD, after his elevation to co-Augustus. These issues are highly imitative of Marcus’, although struck in far lower volumes reflecting Verus’ relatively junior position. This well-preserved ancient denarius provides an example. Like most of Verus’ coinage, the obverse bust appears unadorned, as if to avoid detraction of the co-Emperor’s handsomely rugged features. The meticulously engraved details hint at the great pride Verus reportedly took in his appearance, particularly his curly blonde hair and elaborate beard. While imperial facial hair had been the rage ever since Augustus Hadrian, Verus’ beard reached new lengths (and breadths). He reportedly even applied gold dust to his coiffure, in order to further enhance its luster.
Beyond advertising Verus’ looks, the obverse also declares his new status as co-Emperor: IMP L AVREL VERVS AVG. The messaging continues on the verso, wherein Providentia stands left, holding a globe and a cornucopia. Providentia was the divine personification of the ability to foresee and make provision. The reverse inscription, PROV DEOR TRP II COS II, completes the scene, affirming that divine providence will prevail as Verus advances into his second year of tribunatory and consular power.
Around the time this denarius was struck, it was decided that Verus and Marcus would officially divide their attentions to more efficiently handle imperial matters. To this end, Verus left Rome to battle the Parthians, while Marcus stayed to handle the Empire’s legal and administrative affairs. This delegation made sense; Verus was physically stronger and more suited for military command. The eastern front was now critical since the Parthians had extended their influence well beyond occupied Mesopotamian territory and infiltrated into buffer lands, notably Armenia.
It may have been Marcus’ intent that putting Verus’ focus on military matters would temper his co-Augustus’ licentious side. However, at least according to the irresistibly citable
Historia Augusta, military service allowed Verus to simply extend his profligacy on tour. Verus’ camp was reportedly known for gluttony and accompanied by an imperial entourage of musicians and actors. Included in the party was a concubine named Panthea. Although lowborn, she became renown for her beauty; after all, her name translates as “all divine”. At the time, Verus was betrothed to Marcus’ teenage daughter, Annia Lucilla, despite the fact she was technically his niece. Marcus, perhaps after hearing of Verus’ exploits, interrupted the eastern campaign in order to hasten the wedding.
After the wedding, Verus returned his attention to the Parthians. Mustering his troops with reinforcements from across the Empire, Lucius set up his base of operations for the eastern theatre in Antioch, Syria. Although he did not directly lead the troops in battle, Lucius played an important leadership role in maintaining the troops' readiness and training in the face of Rome’s historically most formidable enemy. It came as no small feat that by 163 AD, Lucius’ talented generals managed to expel the Parthians from Armenia, including the capture of the capital, Artaxata. Afterwards, Lucius ordered the establishment of a new capital closer to Roman territory and installed a new client King of Armenia. For this effort, Lucius accepted the honorific of
Armeniacus, which was consistent with how previous Emperors had been honored after supervising a significant military conquest. It should also be noted that, after waiting a while, Marcus similarly accepted credit for the Armenian campaign without participating directly in the conflict.
Lucius did not stop at reclaiming influence over Armenia. He maintained Rome’s military momentum by pushing further to the east into Parthian territory. By 165 AD, his generals had reached the twin metropolises of Mesopotamia: Seleucia on the right bank of the Tigris and Ctesiphon on the left. The Romans sacked them both, and for keeping up the good work Lucius earned the title of
Parthicus Maximus. Rome’s forces pushed even further eastward into Media, earning Lucius yet another title, this time
Medicus. Once again, Marcus waited for a time but eventually accepted similar honors despite not being directly involved in any military actions.
Lucius returned to Rome in late 166 AD, and took part in a triumph, which was unusual in that two Emperors took part. Reportedly, the event was marked less by the usual parade of war prisoners and deposed rulers, but instead an assortment of foreign courtesans and entertainers, not to mention treasures brought back from the sack of Mesopotamia’s twin cities. Unfortunately and unknowingly, the imperial retinue also brought back a pestilence from the east, probably smallpox. The resulting epidemic devastated the Empire’s population for the next decade and half, claiming an estimated 5 to 10 million lives.
Plague notwithstanding, Verus reportedly took advantage of his time back in Rome to enjoy its luxuries. He established a tavern inside his villa, where eclectic Romans gathered to drink and gamble, day and night. He threw elaborate banquets, including a notorious party for twelve that set the Empire back six million sesterces. However, the partying was interrupted in 168 AD, when barbarian tribes invaded the Danubian border. Due to the ravages incurred by the plague, Rome’s defenses were vulnerable, so Verus once again marched to war, and this time the need was so urgent that Marcus joined him. At the sight of Rome’s approaching armies, the barbarians withdrew. At least temporarily, the situation stabilized, and Verus and Marcus headed back home once again. Along the return route, however, Verus became ill, and died a few days afterwards. Theories for the cause of Lucius’ death range from stroke to poisoned oysters, but the most plausible hypothesis is that Verus died from the same disease he and his troops inadvertently carried back to the Eternal City. This malady become known as the Antonine Plague, referring to the adoptive cognomen shared by both Lucius and Marcus.
It is difficult to accurately judge Lucius’ legacy. Regardless of the extent of his vices, Lucius successfully teamed with Marcus to maintain Rome’s world dominance and prosperity despite mounting crises of wars and pestilence. It is widely held that Rome’s last “good Emperor” was Marcus, whose reputation benefits from sympathetic and balanced ancient reporting, including his own writings. Lucius, on the other hand, seems almost forgotten, his legacy dominated by ancient accounts of extracurricular activities and the devastating plague that bears his inherited cognomen. Perhaps one day, as more evidence and analyses come to light, Lucius’ rehabilitation will be complete.
Additional Reading:
Lucius Verus and the Roman Defence of the East by M.C. Bishop, 2018.
Coin Details: ROMAN EMPIRE, Lucius Verus, AD 161-169, AR Denarius (3.21 g, 19 mm), NGC Grade: Ch MS, Strike: 5/5, Surface: 5/5, Rome mint struck 161-162 AD, Obverse: Bust of Lucius Verus, facing right, head right, IMP L AVREL VERVS AVG, Reverse: Providentia standing left, holding globe in right hand and cornucopiae in left hand, PROV DEOR TRP II COS II, References: Sear 1539, RIC 482, RSC 155.